Five reasons Jeremy Corbyn is electable
(Published by New Internationalist)
Two months ago nobody predicted that Jeremy Corbyn's Labour
leadership campaign would morph into the political movement is has since
become. But while it looks increasingly likely that he will win the contest, his detractors within the Labour party
are growing anxious. Corbyn, they tell us, is unelectable and what Britain
really wants is a (Blairite) centre ground politician capable of winning
general elections. Here are five reasons why they are wrong:
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Jeremy Corbyn speaks at a public rally in Bradford. Photo by Mischa Wilmers |
Corbyn occupies the centre ground: Alistair
Campbell recently warned Labour members that Corbyn is espousing "positions
that the public just are not going to accept in many of the seats that Labour
is going to have to win to get back in power." However, like many of
Corbyn's Blairite detractors, he declined to mention which policies he was
referring to. This is because Campbell and his friends are aware that across a
range of key issues - including foreign policy, the economy and the
nationalisation of public utilities - Corbyn's views are actually largely in
line with public opinion. If the 'centre ground' is defined by majority
opinion, Corbyn occupies it better than any of his rivals by some margin and
the more discerning of his opponents aknowledge it. Earlier this month the
veteran Tory Ken Clarke warned his colleagues not to underestimate
Corbyn whose popular policies he admitted "will be difficult to campaign
against."
Popular political movements are gaining traction globally: All over the
world popular political movements are emerging and growing apace. Whether it's
Bernie Sanders in the US, Podemos in Spain or Syriza in Greece, people are
seeking alternatives to 'centre-left' parties whose failure to offer an
inspiring vision to counter the right's neoliberal narratives and austerity
policies has led to a sharp decline in their popularity. In the UK Jeremy
Corbyn has provided a strong focus point for a number of previously scattered
grassroots organisations, groups and unions who are campaigning against social
injustice and austerity. The likely outcome of this is that Corbyn will
mobilise and attract support from sections of the population - particularly
young people - who refused to vote at the last election out of a profound
disenchantment with mainstream politics.
Corbyn stands the best chance of winning back Scotland: Perhaps the
single biggest factor which lost Labour the 2015 election was the party's
performance in Scotland where the SNP won 56 out of 59 seats on a leftist
anti-austerity platform. Unless Labour heeds the advice of Nobel Laureate
economists Paul Krugman and Joseph Stiglitz and presents a strong,
unequivocal stance against austerity, it will stand no chance of regaining
Scottish seats. Reversing such a resounding defeat will not be easy. But as the
only Labour candidate to reject austerity and vote against the recent Welfare
Reform Bill, Corbyn is surely best placed to win back Scottish voters who
turned their backs on Labour out of frustration at Miliband's confused economic
message.
Corbyn is well placed to attract disillusioned UKIP voters: According to
conventional wisdom, if Labour wants to win the 2020 election it must regain
support from working class voters in England who voted for UKIP because they
felt Miliband was too left wing. Yet contrary to popular belief, many of UKIP's
3.8 million voters at the 2015 elections actually hold political views which
are to the left of Miliband. A YouGov poll in 2013 found that 73% of UKIP
supporters would like the railways to be renationalised and the British Election Study revealed that
77% of UKIP voters agree with the statement that 'ordinary workers do not get a
fair share of the nation's wealth.' This suggests that Corbyn's promise to
clamp down on corporate tax avoidance and set up a national investment bank to
launch a 'people's quantitative easing' programme may well prove more popular
on the doorstep than his political foes would have us believe.
The mainstream media are not as powerful as they think: Corbyn's main
barrier to power will arguably be the corporate media which is already doing
everything in its power to echo the smears of his detractors while avoiding any
meaningful discussion of his policies. Yet the more the media attack him the
more his popularity soars in the leadership polls. It is also difficult to see
how the press's savage treatment of 'Red Ed' Miliband prior to the general
elections could be outdone. This merciless and highly personal onslaught
clearly had some effect, with many potential Labour voters choosing to vote for
the Tories on the grounds that they couldn't envisage Miliband as a credible
prime minister. But despite losing, Miliband -a more awkward figure than Corbyn
- still managed to increase Labour's share of the vote by 1.4% and that was without the support of a mass
movement which Corbyn will likely have behind him.
Furthermore, the power of the mainstream media is being
steadily eroded by the emergence of popular social media channels, with
important figures on the left who are supportive of Corbyn - such as Russell
Brand and Owen Jones - now able to
reach a potential audience of millions without relying on corporate outlets. On
the current trajectory it seems likely that by 2020 the power and influence of
social media activism will be even bigger than it is today and play a much more
important role in the next general election than it did at the last one.
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